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The train station and football stadium are both on the outskirts of Bielefeld, meaning that any parts of the city visible from them are merely facades and set pieces.
Roadwork on the Autobahn diverts visitors away from Bielefeld itself, dropping them off instead in locations that are only said to be Bielefeld.
Telephone numbers and postcodes for Bielefeld are simply evidence that both the telecommunications and postal systems are part of the conspiracy.
The conspiracy theory notes that you can determine whether or not an individual is a part of or affected by the conspiracy by asking them three questions :.
But the theory is less definite about precisely who maintains the illusion, or to what end. There are, of course, tons of ideas floating around about it , though none of them have ever been proven.
Kennedy away to Bielefeld after faking his death. It is, and always has been, a joke—one that pokes fun both at conspiracy theories in general and, lovingly, at the seemingly unremarkable city of Bielefeld itself.
In some ways, we could even consider it an early meme, although it predates the internet as we know it today. The Bielefeld Conspiracy was first proposed in a Usenet newsgroup post written in by Achim Held, a computer scientist who at the time was a student at the University of Kiel in northern Germany also known as Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel, or Christian-Albrecht University of Kiel.
There are very specific groups of people, even in marginalised communities, whose voices are heard. As a result of these dynamics, you write about Black politicians fighting for things like mandatory minimum prison sentences or against decriminalising marijuana.
Is there still that disconnect between those who suffer the most from criminal justice policies and those who are actually heard in political discourse?
Let me just say a caveat, that when we talk about class divisions in the Black community it's important to hold two truths in our head at the same time.
Bruce Western and others have shown the way in which class, educational status, income can dramatically reduce the likelihood of being hardest hit by the criminal system — namely incarcerated.
Middle class and upper middle class Black people get some measure of protection. It's also true at the same time that Black people of all classes are worse off relative to their class counterparts in the white community.
One area where class is least protective is policing and police stops. The police do not know how many degrees you have. They don't know how much money you have in your bank account.
I want to be very clear that in making this point about class, I'm not making the argument that race or racism don't matter in this context.
In terms of how it plays out now, I see an awareness that has developed in the Black community in the last 10 years or so about how deeply racist the criminal justice system has become.
Twenty or 30 years ago they had a consciousness, but there's levels of understanding. Many of the people I write about in the book wanted to promote the interests of the Black community.
They weren't motivated by indifference or callousness. When presented with mounting evidence of how awful this system has been in Black lives, they're reconsidering and recalibrating.
I appreciate that you showed the pressures we were under. If I had known then what I know now, maybe I would have been less quick to go along with some of these harsh measures.
They not only educated leaders, but pressured them and made them understand that there is a political cost. If you're not moved by the moral argument, then you'll be moved by the political argument.
You'll be moved by the people protesting outside the office of District Attorney Jackie Lacey in Los Angeles, for example, where Black Lives Matter LA has held, I believe, a year of consecutive protests against a Black district attorney who has had really some of the worst practices.
From what I can tell, she's been pressured by the movement to change some of her positions on important issues like prosecution of low-level drug offenders, for example, and the aggressiveness with which she prosecutes police officers for acts of violence.
What do you make of the calls to defend or even abolish the police? What I find so compelling about abolition, initially in the prison context and extended to the police as well, is that it shifts the conversation and forces us to go through experiments in which we imagine what it would take to build that world.
I think that exercise is very important, because it pushes us further than we are naturally inclined to go. Cultivating a broader imagination is an incredibly important part of this work, because as you know from my book, often it was lack of imagination that caused people to fall back on [punitive policies].
That's what caused D. Councilmember David Clarke to call the police rather than public health experts when he was overwhelmed with letters about heroin addicts in public space.
He was anti-drug war, but he couldn't imagine responding to a call for help with heroin addicts with anything other than police.
That's a very common move from even really good and progressive people. People who are for defunding, for abolition, are absolutely right about reinvesting that money into alternative structures that support communities.
But the reinvestment part doesn't follow naturally from the terms. We might want to come up with a term that captures the new stuff we want to do.
I think that's particularly important because one of the reasons Black communities have ended up supporting more police is that Black communities have always wanted their fair share of the resources.
Then, the evidence suggests the United States has too many police officers doing prophylactic, preventative, or stop-and-frisk style policing.
The style of policing that leads to district level harassment, pulling people over for no reason. But we have too little investment in the parts of police departments that investigate unsolved crimes.
I'm talking about the investigator or the detective who comes to your house after there's been a robbery, an assault, a rape, or homicide.
As compared to European countries, in the United States we actually underinvest in those parts of our police departments. She describes an LAPD that's stopping and frisking Black drivers wantonly and yet the homicide detectives are still relying on a fax machine and the fax machine is broken.
They have to go with their own money to Staples to buy a printer. What kind of people are the users of a Merkel? What motivates them?
What fascinates them? What do they love about hunting and the hunting rifle of their choice? We have asked the people who stand behind a Merke l….
History: years of Merkel.